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IN 



ON THE 



n^cDwiE^iS: (DH^ ^uriLiT^) aiSCD^ 



BEFORE THE COMPANY OF THE PARISH, 



AND AT^JTHEIR REQUEST. 



BY WILLIAM LANCE. 



Imperet bellante prior, jacentem 

Lenis in hostem Horat. Carm. Sac. 

Rarti temporum fplicitate, ubi sentire quae velis, et quae sentias dicere, 
licet. • •. • • • • • Tacit Hist. lib. 1. c. 1. 



CHARLESTON: 

PRINTED By A. E. MILLER, 120, BROAD^STREET. 



18 20. 



>3 



® IB A ^ a ® ^^ 



5Q -^®^— 

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS! 

I CONGRATULATE you on the recurrence 
of the season, when Americans are animated 
by a lively remembrance of the origin of their 
freedom. I rejoice in celebrating the Fourth of 
July with you, and our countrymen throughout 
this happy land, in honor of our fathers. Their 
patriotism, valor, fortitude and triumph will 
cease to be commemorated by an annual ex- 
pression of gratitude, only when their descend- 
ants in a remote and degenerate age, unmindful 
of the ancestry whence they sprung, shall be 
incapable of appreciating the blessings which 
surround them. It was the proud distinction 
of these illustrious actors on the stage of the 
Revolution, to rescue themselves from ignomi- 
ny — to assert unyieldingly the inalienable rights 
of mankind — to secure for themselves a conscious 
dignity through life — to lay up immortality for 
their memories — to obtain all that is precious 
and valuable on earth for their posterity. How, 
almost instinctively, do our imaginations dwell 
with rapture and devotional admiration on the 
scene of this dav forty-five years ! Then it 



4 

was, that an amalgamation with a foreign gov- 
ernment was disdained as disgracerul to a peo- 
ple, numerous and enlightened enough to con- 
stitute a nation of themselves — a dependefice 
on a monarchy, humiliating to those whom na- 
ture destined for a Republic — a submission to 
the pretensions of British despotism, the most 
abject vassalage to which this country could be 
reduced. 

It was at this splendid era, that Washington 
became identified with greatness, with glorious 
war, with military genius, with the trophies of 
liberty, with popular power, and with the inde- 
pendence of the United States. The fame of 
this extraordinary man soon extended to the 
uttermost parts of the globe. Through life he 
was the wonder of the world, the ornament of 
his country and the object of its fondest affec- 
tions. Since his translation to the celestial 
realms, the very mention of his name excites a 
reverence with the old, the middle-aged and 
the young. He was indeed an accomplished 
general, a most disinterested patriot — first in 
the field — first in the cabinet — a virtuous and 
noble-minded hero! 

For a moment, fellow-citizens, picture to 
yourselves — what would now be your condition, 
had the spark of '76 never glowed in the bosoms 
of Americans — had its blaze never illuminated 
the annals of human nature — A king would be 
your master. You would bow the supple knee 
Ijefore Majesty seated on a throne. Born in 
humble inferiority, you would be subjects to a 
being, above whom you may be elevated in in- 
tellect, in virtue, in knowledge. His pleasure 



would be the arbiter of your fates — his will the 
guide of your destinies. To support the gorge- 
ous pageantry of regal magnificence, your for- 
tunes would be at the mercy of him, and his 
insatiate satraps. To fight the battles of his 
ambition, you might be forced from the Western 
Continent, and transported to the shores of Asia, 
Europe and Africa. Wellington would be your 
Commander in chief — Castelreagh your Prime 
Minister. Obeisance to the monarch would 
be the first lesson of youth, and the incentive of 
public action through life. You would pass, 
like the crown and sceptre, an inheritance from 
one generation to another. From a royal father, 
you would descend, as an estate, to a royal son. 
Even an infant female, as heiress of the British 
Empire, might, in the swaddling clothes of the 
cradle, be the idol of your adoration, and the 
object of your homage. A single individual, 
though he might be covered with crimes, and 
destitute of the feelings of a man, impiously de- 
riving from Heaven a title to govern, might be 
the sovereign of the millions who now inhabit 
this soil. The seat of your government might 
be a court steeped in corruption, wallowing in 
intrigue, suspicious from ignorance, jealous from 
suspicion, vindictive from jealousy, tyrannical 
from revenge. An established religion with its 
hierarchy, would enchain the State to the 
Church, enslaving the conscience, and affording 
allurements to hypocrisy. The natural auxili- 
aries of the throne, an haughty aristocracy, 
would rank you as far beneath them in the order 
of creation, as they esteem the reigning dynasty 
above them. A Parliament, in which your voice 



would be as unknown and unheard as that of 
the natives of India — uniiiterested in your fate — 
without knowledge of jour interests — would im- 
pose tributes on your fjossessions and exact obe- 
dience to their statutes. A spacious ocean 
would roll between these shores and the resi- 
dence of the authorities claiming sway over 
them. The people would look to the winds and 
waves to bring them the mandates of their liege 
lord — as the merchant watches anxiously for 
the arrival of his cargoes. You would be an- 
nexed as an appendage, to what is but a spot 
on the globe. Without a separate existence or 
a national name, this Continent would contri- 
bute to the prosperity of an Island, in an oppo- 
site quarter of the universe. The greater would 
yield implicitly to the lesser. The physical 
laws would be inverted. What should be the 
circumference would be the centre of the sys- 
tem. The orb round which the planets should 
revolve would become a satellite. We should 
forget that " there is one glory of the sun, and 
another glory of the moon, and another glory of 
the stars." 

Such, my countrymen, would be the govern- 
ment under which you would now live — such 
the evils to which you must be exposed — 
and such the monstrous violation of the laws of 
consistency — 

" Who's here so base, that would be a bondman ? 
" If any, speak — for him have I oflFended." 

With this state of colonial servitude, contrast 
your present attitude. Look on your internal 
situation, and your high consequence among 
nations. The people here have all power. They 



are their own sovereign. There is but one 
class — themselves. Ail are on an equality. — 
There is no distinction of patricians and plebei- 
ans — of nobility and commonalty. The rich 
man and the poor man, have but the same 
rights. They are friends in the common parti- 
cipation of the same public good. We have no 
governors or legislators from birth — no pedigrees 
to be traced — to ascertain the rightful claim of 
any one to govern, or of any families to make 
laws for us. Our Republican Commonwealth 
has no intricacy, or mystery in its operations. 
It is as simple as the management of a domestic 
circle. It is but an infinite division of labour 
among its members. All the Councils of the 
nation, are composed of the people at large, 
attending by their Representatives. We levy 
taxes — but we ourselves impose them — and for 
ourselves. Every citizen cheerfully bears a 
share of the public expense, proportionate to his 
means. Here are no governmental trappings — 
no tawdry regalia — no ostentatious insignia — no 
glitter of royal aggrandizement, or aristocratic 
insolence to be maintained, for the oppression 
of those who pay for them. While the great 
mass of their inhabitants, are groaning under 
the weight and pressure of the treasury in mo- 
narchies; the frugality of our government, ne- 
cessarily and intimately interwoven with its 
Constitution, requires at the hands of its citi- 
zens, an almost imperceptible portion of their 
annual gains. Our light tributes are not felt by the 
poorest. The tears of our yeomanry do not flow, 
at the sight of the tax-gatherer. Joy brightens 
their countenance, that they are giving a little 



8 

to secure a thousand fold — the feHcity of self- 
government. Liberty scatters its sweets with a 
lavish and impartial hand throughout our wide- 
ly extended regions. The absolute supremacy 
of the people is no longer a topic of discussion, 
or a matter of doubt. We are as certain of its 
influence, as that divine intelligence sustains 
the creation. No speculation of the philanthro- 
pist can here be ideal. His dearest hopes are 
realized. What the bigotry of narrow-minded 
prejudice denominated the dreams of frantic 
fantasy, our happy experience proves the most 
practical truths. What a slavish attachment to 
other forms of government, would ridicule as 
the visions of theoretical philosophers, we know 
and feel to be the only safe and pure principles 
of political institutions. When I reflect, my 
friends, on the happiness which has poured in 
upon this country, after the entire demolition of 
the system introduced with its settlement, I 
cannot refrain from acknowledging the services 
of one (who is now no more) because his me- 
mory seems neglected, if not consigned to obli- 
vion. Among the prominent and active leaders 
in the memorable struggle, to a retrospective 
view, of which we consecrate this day, was the 
author of " Cominon Sense.'^'' — His writings were 
characterized by a display of brilliant talents, 
ardent zeal, exquisite wit, and popular elo- 
quence. His industry was incessant in the great 
cause, in which his compatriots were embark- 
ed— 

" You all did love him once — not without cnuse ! 

" What cause withholds you then to mourn for him ?" 

The genius whence emanated the Declaration 



of Independence, bears testimony to the value 
of his merits. If his sloiit heart gave way to- 
wards (he latter part of his terrestrial career, 
amidst the vicissitudes of fortune, we can la- 
ment the occurrence, but we are not freed from 
a remembrance of his services. If he fell into 
errors, offensive to piety, let those who indulge 
in the bitterness of censure, recollect that it is 
not for mortals to revenge the wrongs of heaven, 
" Deorum, injurias Diis Curce}'' — The infidel and 
the hypocrite who were enemies to Liberty, 
dreading the force of his attack on monarchical 
rule, and his detection of despotism in what- 
ever disguise it might appear, assumed the garb 
of religion, as conferring a privilege to scanda- 
lize his motives, to depreciate his acquirements, 
to underrate his abilities — even to deny his use- 
fulness to his country. 

If under the consciousness, fellow-citizens, of 
their equal rights, the American people are in 
contentment, and tranquillity among them- 
selves — see what is their station in relation to 
the rest of the world. This Republic is the 
only depositary of the liberties, to which man- 
kind are entitled. Like the ark which floated on 
" the face of the waters," and preserved from 
destruction a favorite family of heaven, our 
free government is lifted up above all others — 
and saves its citizens from the general deluge 
of monarchy. On our example, as their polar- 
star, are steadily fixed the eyes of all who are 
planning their emancipation. It is in vain for 
the supporters of royalty, to pretend that our 
success has not commanded the attentive re- 
gard of the magnanimous of all nations. None 



10 

but slaves, from preference, are blind lo the 
beauties of our situalion, Find insensible to the 
charms of our equality. The valiant defenders 
of human rights, look to this country as the 
finished model for their imitation. They do 
not envy us, their ambition is to follow our steps. 
The ancient kingdom and odious tyranny of the 
Bourbons, were annihilated by the resentment 
of a people, whose chivalry lighted the torch 
of Liberty at the fires kindled on our altars. — 
The French Republic singly, in its individual 
strength, infused terror and " scattered wild dis- 
may" among the monarchies, combined to 
crush it in its infancy. If the reverses of fortune 
have re-established a throne, and restored a fee- 
ble aad effete race, it is only for a short time. 
The gallantry — the energies — the independence 
which drove them into exile — where they re- 
mained twenty years on the charity of the na- 
tural enemies of France, which again banished 
them from their native land, where they had 
been escorted by foreign armies, will a third 
time expel there wretched usurpers of popular 
sovereignty. 

A nation like this will never brook the humi- 
liation, of rulers imposed on them by strangers. 
Their patience is not allegiance. Their endur- 
ance of loyalty is no pledge of its continuance. 
They succumb to the exigency of the times, as 
the Roman Consuls at the Caudine Forks, when 
the Senate, inflamed with indignation, that the 
soldiers of the Republic should pass under the 
yoke, scouted the terms which had been extort- 
ed from necessity. — In the progressive march 
of freedom, behold the destruction of that tre- 



11 

inendous engine of cold-blooded despotism — ^of 
ferocious hypocrisy — of gloomy fanaticism — the" 
Inquisition. Co-eva! with the discovery of 
America, it had for more than three centuries — 
and even in civilized times, been the reproach 
of Christianity, and the scandal of the human 
species. The Spanish monarchy bereft of this 
support of ecclesiastical grandeur, is tottering 
on its basis, and will crumble into ruins. The 
Corles which the tyranny of Cardinal Ximenes 
had so long abolished, are resuscitated, and will 
maintain the prerogatives of the people. There 
is a striking, though not a perfect resemblance 
between the elforts of our bretliren of South- 
America, and the resistance made by the United 
States against Great Britain. How do we sym- 
pathize with their fortunes — and are anxious for 
their deliverance from European bondage, and 
their success against the dark conspiracy, which 
would extirpate their most common rights ! — 
When these independent warriors shall have 
accomplished the great work they have com- 
menced, let us hope that they will be Ameri- 
cans like ourselves — that they will suffer no fea- 
ture of aristocracy, to disfigure the frame of 
their political constitution — that its basis may 
be the people — its superstructure the impregna- 
ble citadel of their liberties. 

See also, my friends, what a spirit of manly 
innovation, so often the precursor of Revolu- 
tionary change, has pervaded over England and 
Scotland. If the diadem, and the mitre, and 
the coronet, are not yet falling from the tem- 
ples they have graced, still the open array 
against the government, has terrified those who 



12 

wield the destinies of the empire. Dangers en- 
compass them on every side. The power which 
has been abused to (he annoyance and oppres- 
sion of the people, and the the sacrifice of their 
rights, ihey will abbreviate, if not resume. They 
may soon rival the enthusiastic love of Liberty, 
which predominates in the generous breasts of 
their neighbours in the Emerald Isle. Let 
Ireland but be their pattern, and never will they 
crouch to the instrumentsof despotic power! 

My countrymen, in the occupation of such 
an exalted rank among nations, and with such 
an universal diffusion of enjoyments at home, it 
is not ostentatious in Americans, while they 
graiefnlly honor the manes of the patriots who 
founded their Independence, to indulgence in 
an exultation of self-applause. Can it be arro^ 
gance for the present age, to compare their 
achievements with the deeds of their Revolu- 
tionary Ancestors ? Is it " out-stepping; tl^e mo- 
desty of nature," to proclaim how spotless and 
untarnished we have kept the palladium hand- 
ed down to us, by the bravery and valorous ex- 
ploits of the Congress, the Army, the Navy, and 
the whole Nation, who encountered the perils 
of rebellion, had heaven been unpropitious to 
their cause ? If the lustre of kingly domination 
was eclipsed by the brightness of the light, 
which shone at that almost romantic period 
of history — if the holy flames of freedom con- 
sumed every vestige of the fabric created by 
arbritrary rule in our land — if the invincible 
prowess of a race resolved to be freemen, broke 
the charm of loyalty, overthrew their gigantic 
foe, and tore up by the roots every scion of his 



13 

policy and government, which had been plant- 
ed, or had grown in this hemisphere ; if these 
grand enterpiizes were undertaken, and the 
most unrivalled success encircled the brows of 
their authors, with never fading wreaths of re- 
nown, ought it not to be our boast, that the war 
waged by the Republican Administration of 
1812, proved to the world, that the blood of our 
ancestors runs with undiluted richness in our 
veins ? 

Loud were the complaints of the repeated in- 
juries inflicted by Great Britain. Our Com- 
merce was the familiar sul^ject of her spoilation. 
Her ministerial effrontery even attempted its 
regulation. Our noble tars were captured on 
the ocean — ini|)ressed mto the service of their 
fathers' oppressors in sight of their native shores. 
A secret missionary was employed to poison the 
fountains of our compact, by the seeds of dis- 
sention. While hostile ships were hovering with 
stealthy watchfulness along our coast, the sa- 
vage allies of insidious enmity were instigated 
to embody on our frontiers — to prepare the to- 
mahawk and the scalping-knife for a murderous 
and merciless havock. Then it was that our 
distinguish statesman Mr. Madison, actuated 
by a cheerful courage, responded to the national 
call, to avenge the insults and wrongs which 
were heaped on us. His transcendant talents, 
eminent services, fervid patriotism, and political 
sagacity, had been rewarded by the Chief- 
Magistracy of the Republic. He became the 
successor in the first office in the world, of the 
luminary of science, the ornament of literature 
and philosophy — the liberal advocate of the 



14 

just and equal rights of mankind — the delight 
of hid country — the profound politician — our 
venerable Jefferson. Thej were faithful cen- 
tinels from the battlements of our Constitution, 
over the rights of the people — and watched with 
an intense and unwinking vigilance the move- 
ments of Great Britain towards the United 
States. They had distinctly perceived her jea- 
lousy of our rapid growth and unexampled pros- 
perity, and a lurking resentment — that she was 
vanquished in the conflict of the Revolution. — 
The crisis had arrived. The President thought 
it time to draw the sword ; and with the elo- 
quence and splendor of genius, for which he 
was celebrated from his entrance into public 
life — described the feelings of hostility manifest- 
ed against us, and our patient adherence to a 
pacific attitude, best suited to the elements of 
a republic. " We behold, (said he) in fine, on 
the side of Great-Britain, a state of war against 
the United States — and, on the side of the Unit- 
ed States, a state of peace towards Great-Bri- 
tain." With his sentiments, corresponded the 
tone and the lofty spirit of Congress, and the 
American Republic buckled on its armour to 
meet again in battle the adversary which once 
already it hadovercome, and mortified. We do all 
remember the enthusiasm of the times. I look 
back with emotions of pride and complacency to 
an epoch so glorious to Republicans. Every man 
whose voice was for such a war, will feel a con- 
solation through life, and in old age will delight 
to tell his sons and his grandsons of the righte- 
ous cause in which his country was engaged. 
He will have earned a right to exact of them a 



15 

promise to be jealous protectors of their liber- 
ties. He may exultingly say, in my time, my 
children, the people would suffer no encroach- 
ments on their rights — no stain on their national 
character. Keep constantly in your thoughts, 
the triumphant glories of your ancestors of the 
Revolution, and of the second war against Bri- 
tain. Study to preserve unimpaired the inhe- 
ritanee you have derived from their heroism — 
and the Republic is safe in your hands. i 

Fellow-C/'itizens, when those wljo come after 
us, reflect on the causes and the events of our 
late appeal to arms, they will be incredulous of 
the opposition which should have arraigned the 
wisdom and justice of such an underlakit)g — 
and the necessity of such a resort. Yet not only 
was this war denounced as iniquitous and un- 
necessary, but it was avowed by imbecile and 
timid men disgracing the fair name of Ameri- 
cans — that the United Stales could not contend 
with Great-Britain. They deemed her omni- 
potent on the ocean, and irresistible on the land. 
Their apprehensions saw our navy her's by an 
easy capture. These weak politicians, fright- 
ened their fancies with the prospect of being 
conquered in an invasion of the foe. The ap- 
parition, conjured up by their fears, drove from 
their minds all recollection of the victories gain- 
ed over the identical power they so alarmingly 
dreaded to encounter. Shamefully ignorant of 
the resources of America, having yet to learn 
that a democratic government of which every 
citizen is a part, and feels its concerns his own, 
is the strongest and most formidable on the of- 
fensive or the defensive — that the zenith of as:- 



a: 



16 

grandizement of Rome, Greece, France, even 
of England, was durins: the purity of their com- 
monwealths, they could form no adequate con- 
ception of our warlike faculties. 

There were ofhers who predicted as a conse- 
quence of hostilities, the downfall of the nation, 
in the dismemberment of the union. It was 
their favorite and fashionable tenet — that the 
Constitution would not survive the war. Whe- 
ther this propensity to divination was inspired 
by their wishes or their fears, or whether it 
was a stratagem to induce an abandonment by 
the administration of the high grounds ihey had 
maintained ; certain it is, that the Brilish minis- 
try looked with an earnest and credulous faith, 
to the fulfilment of the prophecy. But they 
looked in vain. They soon discovered that 
restless and turbulent demagogues had but left 
an indelible stigma on themselves, and were a 
false medium through which to estimate the 
patriotism of America. 

You cannot but call to mind, my friends, the 
abhorrence — the detestation — the contempt — 
in which was held that notorious assemblage — 
" The Hartford Convention.'''' When the Re- 
public is in distress, and difficulties may thicken 
around her; when the resplendence of her pros- 
perity is overcast by a passing cloud, then is the 
time for the true hearted American, to stretch 
every nerve — to rally all his energies. None 
but the pusillanimous from despair, the disap- 
pointed in ambition, or the factious from trea- 
chery, would select such a cricis for such a 
council. If they expected by distracting the 
efforts of the administration and the people, to 



17 

hasten a peace, however degrading, mean and 
pitiful, must have been their feeHngs, when 
a " war which makes ambition virtue," was 
terminated in briUiant victories both on the ocean 
and on the land — and on terms which raised 
the United States to the highest and most hon- 
orable pinnacle of fame. If Treason presided 
over their deliberations, how she must have 
hung down her head in shame — that her schemes 
were baffled, and her designs exposed ! 

From this disgusting spectacle, my country- 
men, let us turn to a most refreshing prospect — 
the plains of Louisiana. With what ecstacy can 
we recite the prodigies of valor performed by 
our army ! The fictions of knight-errantry and 
the wild adventures of chivalry, do not more 
captivate the fancy and dazzle the vision of the 
mind, that the realities of New-Orleans. Here 
our state pride, as well as our national feelings 
can be indulged. Jackson is a Carolinian. His 
name is inseparably allied with a most signal 
and eventful achievement in the chronicles of 
modern warfare. In him are united the excel- 
lencies of a first rate genius for war. He has 
the decision — the fearless bravery — the rapidity 
in movement of Caesar, the hardihood of Han- 
nibal, the unceasing industry and the modes- 
ty of Agricola, the sublimity of conception — the 
boldness in attack — the magical faculties of ex- 
ecution of Buonaparte. A kind of original in- 
fluence in his character seems to fascinate his 
soldiers, who flock with glee to his standard. 

By this hero was humbled in the dust the 
haughtiness of an imperious foe. Their im- 
mense force, collected from their choicest ve- 
S 



18 

terans, and vaunted by the ministers of his Bri- 
tannic Majesty to be overwhelming — was dis- 
comfited in action, and prostrated by total 
defeat. The few miserable survivors sought 
safety in flight. The Conquerors of Buonaparte 
and the imperial army, who were shortly 
afterwards the victors of Waterloo, found their 
laurels wither in our atmosphere, and fade 
before the hardy sons of Columbia. The " well 
foughten fields" of the Mississippi were en- 
sanguined only by the blood of their invaders. 
Its majestic waters rolling in a crimsoned cur- 
rent to the ocean, told Neptune that as he had 
transferred the trident from the self-styled mis- 
tress of his domain to America, so Minerva had 
unfurled the star-spangled banner — Mars had 
hovered over our tents, and Bellona had ming- 
led in our battles. 

In no campaign was there ever a display of 
superior generalship. The attack made by our 
commander on the night of the 23d December, 
dismayed the advancing enemy. Their sur- 
prize and panic magnified the number of his 
forces, as yet weak and unorganized. When 
he had gained the brilliant victory of the 8th of 
January, his penetrating judgment and prudent 
self-command knew how to keep it. He .• ould 
not pursue the retreating foe. He would have 
erected for them a golden bridge. 

To this great man was afterwards entrusted 
the conduct of the Seminole war. Gratitude, 
my friends, weeps that Justice did not interpose 
her legis against the shafts of calumny, levelled 
at his reputation. For his honorable acquit- 
al, he need not point to New-Orleans. The 



19 

records of his authority, " are enrolled in the 
Capitol." 

As we have triumphed in war, my country- 
men,so we have triumphed in peace. TheRepub- 
Hcan Constitution flourishes in vigour, in health, 
and I dare hope, "in immortal youth." Experi- 
ence finds it strong enough for offensive contests. 
It ought to be a sufficient shield against infringe- 
ments of the rights of sovereignty, reserved to the 
States — and the liberties of the American people. 
It withstood the earthquake of the Missouri 
question, which shook it to its centre, it wea- 
thered the tempest which raged with fury around 
it. From its hemisphere, has disappeared the 
comet, which " from its horrid hair shakes pes- 
tilence and war" — and portends direful calami- 
ties to nations. — This direct attempt to invade 
the sacred rights of property, under the specious 
mask of supporting the cause of freedom — was 
but a desperate effort of impatient ambition, to 
gain the ascendant of the administration — to 
effect a lodgement on the heights and ramparts 
of power. If the restriction had been imposed, 
and the government should pass from our hands, 
what security would the Southern States have 
for the abundant source of their wealth, against 
the disposition which has been unveiled to 
cramp it? Would not the planter, whose estate 
had descended to him from his ancestors — or 
who had invested in the favourite pursuit of man, 
the fruits of his honest labours, collected in a 
different avocation, feel his industry paralized, 
under the belief that he " stands in jeopardy 
every hour r" Such a possible state, should keep 
our vigilance perpetually awake. Our political 



20 

guards should be strengthened. Our centinelg 
on their out-posts, should be prompt to give the 
alarm. If they slumber for a moment, the ene- 
my may enter the camp. We may then trem- 
ble for our fortunes, if not for our lives. We 
must not be lulled into safety, by the calm 
which has followed the disconcertion of this 
deep-laid scheme. It may only precede ano- 
ther storm. The condition which would en- 
trammel Missouri, may be revived in another 
shape: and if Florida becomes a component 
part of the Republic, we may expect the same 
endeavour to qualify her annexation to the 
union. Whatever, my friends, may be the con- 
stitutional right of Congress, to agitate these 
discussions (and it appears extremely questiona- 
ble) it is sure, that the safety of the people is 
paramount to the Constitution, invented but as 
their additional safe-guard, — that their estates 
were previous to this political charter, — that it 
recognizes a particular class of our population,, 
and even provides for their representation. It 
is with pleasure, that I here pay a just tribute to 
the firmness and wisdom on this momentous 
occasion, of our Senators, Mr. Gaillard and Mr. 
Smith, and your Representative, Mr. Lowndes.* 
They deserve well of the whole nation — they 
merit the perfect confidence — and have gained 
the applause and lasting gratitude of Carolina. 
They are able statesmen — zealous patriots — im- 
moveable in the repubhcan independence of 
their opinions — unshaken in their attachment to 
the people. 

* Mr. Lowndes, on this day honored the St. Andrew's Company 
with his presence. 



21 

Subjects like these, which involve the deep 
interests of particular sections of the country, 
and rouse the passions of all — make us feel- 
ingly alive to the vital importance of preserv- 
ing our elective franchise in purity, free from 
arbritrary limitation, and from any unhallowed 
touch. It is the grand and only solid founda- 
tion on which our government rests. The more 
universal this privilege, the more is the govern- 
ment what it was inlended to be — Republican. 
The close connexion of the people with their 
Representatives, and the responsibility of all pub- 
lic servants to the tribunal of general opinion, can 
alone retain the constitution in the orbit it ought 
to move. Any capricious restriction of the right 
of suffrage, is a (Je()arture from our first princi- 
ples. It is a strange anomaly when they on whom 
the people bestow the marks of their honor, 
should desire to abridge them in the exercise of 
this right. By what process of reasoning — but 
that which persuaded a British Parliament 
elected for three years, to prolong their term of 
office to seven, are legislators in this free coun- 
try to harbour a mistrust of their constituents ? 
In all our elections, our attention should be 
equally directed to the intrinsic merit and cor- 
rect sentiments of the candidates. No artificial 
influence, much less the influence of office — 
should venture to control the free choice of 
the people. The President of the United 
States as the representative of every citizen, 
ought to be known to every citizen by his 
talents — his important services — his moral worth, 
and his inflexible integrity in politics. As he is 
called to the highest and most honorable post 



22 

in the gift of the nation, it should be his pride 
to administer the government on the principles 
which advance him, to discountenance the 
shghtest interference of these around him in the 
elections, and to have a statesman to succeed 
him, nominated not by himself, but promoted 
to the summit of honor, by the spontaneous ac- 
clamations of millions of freemen. 

That the chief magistrate might not be em- 
barrassed by the rivalries or jealousies, possible 
among heads of departments, who maybe more 
intent on their personal aggrandizement, than 
studious of the national good — that the people 
may think for themselves at an election ; and, 
that the incumbent in office might not point to 
his successor — it might be worthy of considera- 
tion, whether the ineligibility of a cabinet mi- 
nister to the Presidency, would conduce to ob- 
jects so desirable. 

To multiply checks on those in power, is the 
wise and prevailing principle in the Constitu- 
tion. This political colossus is indeed a mighty 
work ; but it was raised by human hands, and 
perfection cannot be its attribute. Its provisions 
should be extended to meet the discoveries of 
time. Remedies should keep pace with its 
defects as they appear. Jealousy, if not too 
suspicious, is a wholesome virtue in a Republic. 
It is from this watchful solicitude that parties 
arise. They are in unison with freedom — and 
its inseparable preservatives. Not to flatter 
those in power, and to suffer no invasion of right, 
are the golden maxims of the independent. — 
Viewed in this light — were the extinction of 
party-spirit attainable, — it could scarcely be 



23 

hoped for. But, to expect uniformity of send- 
ments in politics, is a chimcera ; and an effort to 
govern entirely without party is little less so. — 
The wisest statesmen have abandoned ihc pro- 
ject of acting with eiFiciency, where there is no 
concert of views — no co-incidence of opinions — 
no similarity of education — no identity of inter- 
ests — no particular direction of minds to the 
same favorite political objects ; where, in 
short, there is a wide and irreconcileable dif- 
ference, as to the fundamental principles, on 
which a government is to be conducted. To 
declare there is no party, is an art of aim- 
ing at power, resorted to by those who are out 
of it. While they make this profession they 
would displace the most meritorious, and the 
best qualified from the stations they occupy. — 
Both in and out of office, in disclaiming party 
views, they are actuated by no other. We must 
not confound the non-existence of this influence, 
with the want of opportunity to display itself. 
During the war, you saw it at its height. Its 
ebullitions were poured forth in the last session 
of Congress. As it is politic for a minority to 
pretend there is no party — so it is suspicious, 
when they who have been placed in power un- 
der its feelings — afterwards deny its existence. 
They would appear to have encouraged its ex- 
citement, as the ladder by which their ambition 
was to climb, and then to cast it aside. Such a 
deceitful artifice practised to suit their conveni- 
ence, soon loses the esteem and withdraws the 
confidence of the nation. Those who betray 
their political friends for one reward, might per 
haps sacrifice their country for another. 



24 

But even if the effervescence of former dif- 
ferences may have subsided, and the fever of 
political passions abated — would you repose no 
greater confidence in the tried faithfulness and 
wisdom of Jefferson and Madison, than in the 
members and partizans of " the Hartford Conven- 
tion'''? Could you be stoically neutral between 
principles which arrayed the Republic in glory, 
and those which would have suppressed as im- 
moral our rejoicings for its victories ? Shall the 
Republicans voluntarily abdicate their power, 
and in a fit of eccentric magnanimity surrender 
it to their opponents ? Shall the reins be taken 
from hands which have so well managed them ? 
Phoebus soon repented that he had yielded to 
the importunity of Phaeton, whose unskilfulness 
set the world on fire, dashed the chariot of the 
sun in pieces, and precipitated him headlong 
from the skies. 

Soldiers and Citizens of St. Andrews' ! — 
As no nation on the globe can rival America in 
her glories, as no state has a sincerer affection 
for the Republic, and stands more exalted in 
the union, than Carolina, so no part of our state 
deserves better of her than St. Andrews'. Your 
fidelity and zeal in the common cause, are like 
the fervent devotion of the Saint whose name 
you bear, to the holy author of our religion. — 
Your parish like the sacred temple in which we 
are assembled, is venerable for its antiquity. In 
the early settlement of our state, a site had been 
chosen in its precincts for a city, which might 
now have been the metropolis of Carolina. In 
the cemetery of this shrine, consecrated to the 
worship of God, are the memorials of the ruth- 



25 

less ferocity of the Revolutionary foe. The 
sepulchres you see around you, now mouldering 
into ruin, in which the bones of your ancient 
inhabitants lay entombed, were sacrilegiously 
forced by the hands of hostile violence. — Ava- 
rice " burst their cerements," in search of hid- 
den treasures. 

I feel, my friends, for this Parish, the attach- 
ment which is connected with earliest impres- 
sions. These we know can never be effaced. 
My childhood was passed here. To be again 
numbered among you, will be one of the most 
heart-felt incidents of my life. 

Americans ! On no anniversary of our coun- 
try's birth-day, can we have more and greater 
blessings for which to return thanks to the Al- 
mighty disposer of events. We are in peaceful 
quiet with all tho world. Harmony and con- 
cord, and brotherly love, reign throughout our 
boundless regions. We enjoy a felicity, to which 
the people of other countries are utter strangers. 
The name of an American is the richest prize 
which can be gained. It is the badge of dis- 
tinction in every clime, the safest and most ho- 
nourable passport through nations refined and 
uncivilized. The Constitution of our govern- 
ment — the Union and Independence of the 
States — the liberties of our citizens, through 
countless perils and vicissitudes remain unhurt. 
In its forty-fifth year, the Republic is as invio- 
late and pure, as on the day it was created. 
The most sanguine hopes of its warmest friends, 
have been gratified — Enthusiasts in their affec- 
tion for it, exult over the disappointed hate of 



26 

tyrants, and willing slaves, who like Satan, ma- 
lignantly envied the bliss and harmless inno- 
cence of Paradise. No uncongenial thought, 
my friends, can obtrude on the festivities of 
this day. Our rejoicings springing from the soul, 
are as acceptable to heaven as the sweet savour 
which ascended from the burnt offerings of sa- 
crifice. — Our conscious bravery and patriotic 
exertions entitle us to assure mankind, that 
should foreign aggressions again assail our na- 
tional rights, should the foes of Liberty dare 
attempt to enter her asylum or to pollute her 
sanctuary, the generation which so manfully, 
discharged their duty to their fathers, to them- 
selyes and to posterity, will ajgain, at the sound 
of thie clarion, hasten from their ploughs to the 
banners of their country, and, drawing the 
sword of vengeance, with flip mighty arms of 
valorous freemen, smite the insolent intruders, 
and drive them in disgrace from our shores. 




FINIS. 



H 33 89 








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